Last week the big news story was that Daniel Ortega was recommending changing the longest sentence from 30 years to life, purportedly in response to the rape and murder of two girls in Mulukukú. Nicaragua, and Central America in general, have never had life sentences, because their penal legislation has always recognized the possibility of rehabilitation. However, two leaders of the Peasant Movement Against the Canal, after the rebellion in April 2018, were given sentences of over 200 years each, in clear violation of that law. Paradoxically, this is the context in which this interview was done of an expert on transitional justice.
To achieve transitional justice in Nicaragua, the victims of the regime should not forgive and forget
The four pillars of transitional justice are: truth and memory, justice, reparations and guarantee of non-repetition.
Monday September 14 was 26 months since Gerald Vásquez was murdered by paramilitaries who carried out an armed attack on the Divina Misericordia Church, which offered refuge to more than 200 young people who were expelled by gunfire from the trenches of anti-government protests in the National Autonomous University of Nicaragua (UNAN-Managua) on the afternoon of July 13, 2018, three months after the beginning of citizen protests against the regime of Daniel Ortega.
Susana Lopez, mother of the university student killed by para-police at the service of the Sandinista dictatorship, said that the damage that they caused her and her family is irreparable, and even though more than two years have passed without those responsible for the death of her son paying for the crime that they committed, she trusts that a process of transitional justice will be applied in the country.
“The person who shot as well as the person who gave the order to shoot have to pay”, pointed out López, who from the Association of the Mothers of April (AMA), an organization that includes more than 100 mothers and relatives of the people murdered during the rebellion of April 2018, have confronted international bodies in order to get justice, reparation, and non-repetition.
In order to understand the search for these four fundamental pillars to transitional justice, and the necessary process for its application in Nicaragua, it is important to understand what transitional justice is.
A specialist in the Transitional Justice area of the Nicaraguan Foundation for Economic and Social Development (FUNIDES) explains that transitional justice are judicial and non-judicial mechanisms to enable a transition or change to be carried out, be it because a country wants to get out of an authoritarian regime, or is leaving an armed conflict and wants to get to peace.
The specialist, who asked to remain anonymous, points out that the important aspects that nurture what today is considered transitional justice are war crimes, which can be committed against a civilian population when there is an armed conflict, and crimes against humanity; in other words, crimes that are committed against humanity, which are no longer the responsibility of one country, whether there is a desire or not to judge those who have committed human rights violations, but rather that those crimes now are passed to being the responsibility of the international community.
“The development of transitional justice was very marked by historical events in Latin America between the 70s and 80s, there were several dictatorships, above all military ones, in Argentina, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay. In the mid 90s the concept of transitional justice emerged, which as such basically has to do with judicial and non-judicial mechanisms to carry out a transition to a democratic system,” said the specialist of FUNIDES.
“Since now there have been many experiences on the international level, there is no specific recipe, but there are several mechanisms, which even though they have demonstrated that sometimes they do not function completely, and that are going to depend on the context of the country, they have proven that they help to improve these transition processes,” she argued.
The four pillars of transitional justice are: truth and memory, justice, reparations and the guarantee of non-repetition.
Truth and memory
The specialist pointed out that historically when a country has come out of an armed conflict or a war in search of peace, or from an authoritarian regime toward a democracy, what is wanted is to begin a process of “erasing and starting with a clean slate”, and what this does is make the victims invisible.
“For a sustainable transition process to exist, the victims have to be in the center, because that is the great slogan of transitional justice. The victims have to be in the center, and therefore it is important to know what happened. It is important that the truth be constructed or reconstructed, an inclusive truth that does not only tell what happened from one side, but that can really take up and listen to what the different bands experienced, to say it in that way, and this implies a reconstruction of the historic memory, “ she pointed out.
What is considered to be an entry point for a process of transitional justice to happen, and a classic mechanism, is the creation of a truth commission.
To keep alive the memory of the events occurred since April 2018, the Association of Mothers of April (AMA) created the Museum of Memory against Impunity, which was built for the purpose of contributing to dignifying the victims of the State of Nicaragua and to honor their memory. “The fight to achieve justice has been international, because there is no national justice, and there will not be national justice. As long as this Government is in power, there will be no change. On the contrary, there are reprisals after the harm,” denounced López.
“The Museum of the Memory of April remains alive, especially in the search for that truth and that these crimes not be repeated in the history of Nicaragua,” she added.
Truth commissions have to comply with certain basic criteria, the specialist explained. For example, they cannot be managed by the Government which has been reproached.
“Because it is clear that it is going to distort everything and is going to tell their story. The truth commission has to be impartial, which is normally created within the State because it needs a budget, but it is fundamental that it be composed of people who have recognition, legitimacy and when the commission has been formed, it needs to begin to do a very concrete report which takes into account and represents the largest amount of human rights violations that happened during the conflict,” specified the specialist.
Truth Commissions do not have penal power as such, she explained, but are an input that afterwards is presented to legal institutions for the information to be processed. In addition to the fact that, those who compose it make recommendations on the other pillars that have to do with transitional justice.
The regime of Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo, through the National Assembly, approved the creation of a truth commission on April 29, 2018, which was sworn in on May 4 of that same year, to investigate the deaths and harm caused during the protests begun on April 18, 2018. Nevertheless, it was noted by several organization and civil associations for their prejudiced conclusions on the descriptions of the crimes committed, which covered up and benefitted the regime.
“In 2018 a truth and reconciliation commission was created in Nicaragua, but it was not recognized by any human rights organization on the international level, nor nationally, because it was clearly completely prejudiced,” commented the specialist.
The word transition is added to the word justice, because it deals with a process of transition towards democracy, justice by itself is not enough, states the coordinator of the transitional justice area of FUNIDES.
“Since so many human rights violations have been committed that the traditional judicial systems come up short, then transitional justice says that justice has to be done, but so that what happened not be repeated, one, the victims have to be the center, and two, it is important that several structural reforms have to happen to prevent human rights violations from happening again,” insisted the specialist.
Therefore, the role that justice has is to take up again what refers to truth and memory, and investigate the principal people responsible, ensuring that those who have not been sentenced or accused of crimes against humanity be judged and sentenced, even though the State may not want it.
“An international institution can come in and begin a legal process. Admittedly this is pretty complicated, but it is possible,” warns the specialist. In addition, she states that crimes against humanity cannot be negotiated and cannot be the object of an amnesty.
“Justice is going to depend a lot on the willingness that a new government may have in Nicaragua, to really not allow and not apply amnesty laws, but fundamental there is the role the civil society may have, that can demand and insist, that can oversee whether processes are really carried out, and in the case that there is no state willingness, advocacy can be done from the international community because, as I was saying, there are mechanisms so that crimes against humanity be judged and not prescribed, and can be done on the international level,” recommended the expert of FUNIDES.
Such was the case of the Chilean dictator, Augusto Pinochet, she pointed out. “He was tried a long time afterwards. The Chilean State was protecting Pinochet, but at a moment in which he was in England, which was a party to the Rome Statutes, is what allowed these international trials to happen. Chile was not party to it, that is why Pinochet was very protected in that sense, and Spain, that also ratified the Rome Statutes, tried him and England allowed it,” the specialist in transitional justice said, providing the context.
For his part, the political analyst and former ambassador of Nicaragua, Mauricio Díaz, also gave the example of the dictator Pinochet, who was arrested in London on October 16, 1998, because of his presumed implication in crimes of genocide, international terrorism, torture and disappearances of people which occurred in Chile during his dictatorship between the years 1973-1990, and up to the moment of his death had an arrest warrant against him.
“An independent prosecutor pursued him when he left his protection, from his niche that was the Chilean geography. The same is going to happen to the regime here, they are not going to live in peace, at least in the world, even though they are entrenched within the national geography, clad in a concept of sovereignty that serves to clothe them in impunity,” said Díaz.
Nevertheless, the former ambassador indicated that in order to apply transitional justice, the barbarities that have occurred within the country rooted in the explosion of the crisis of 2018 would have to be documented through an impartial and independent Truth Commission, which in his judgement will not be possible, if the State continues being controlled by Daniel Ortega. “Another government would have to do it, in the future, that would say that the more than three hundred and so murders, those tortured, women raped are not going to be left unpunished.”
In this pillar, the specialist in transitional justice of FUNIDES indicates that listening to the victims is very important, knowing what it is that happened, and which begins to try those responsible.
“The victims have the full right that their rights be restored to the extent possible, there are several forms of restoration if you wish, a classic one is economic restorations. It is known that everything that a violation of human rights means cannot be recovered through money, but people broke with their life projects, and have the full right to receiving some type of restoration,” expressed the specialist.
Even though there are also symbolic type restorations, among these that the State recognize what happened, that sites be created to remember and commemorate. “So that the population not forget and these crimes not be committed again. In addition are reparations concerning psychological accompaniment, since the surviving victims of the relatives who are the indirect victims, are left with serious trauma and emotional impacts,” she added.
In terms of reparations, the mother of Gerald Vásquez pointed out that more than two years later the Ortega Murillo regime has not even recognized that the youth that were murdered during the protests were students. She deplores the fact that the dictatorship couple continue categorizing them as criminals.
“I have gone through psychological even psychiatric treatments, the harm to me and all the mothers that this regime caused us is irreparable. Nevertheless, we are going to continue being the voices that they silenced with bullets, we are going to dignify their names, their memories, because they have still not recognized that they were students, they say that our children were criminals,” objected López.
Nevertheless, the specialist of FUNIDES recognized that it is not possible for the pain to be completely repaired, even though the pillar of reparation be applied, it will not be accomplished. “Even though the wound cannot be completely healed, but on seeing that the transition does not forget what happened, that is to say, that we have to deal with the past, shouldering what was done, that these are the victims, and all needed resources have to be sought so that the victims be restored, and above all to prevent a conflict of this magnitude from happening again,” she recommended.
Guarantee of non-repetition
Even though to achieve this last pillar of transitional justice requires medium and lon- term work, in the case that a dictatorship end and a democratic government begin, the principal institutions that committed violations, were accomplices or allowed the human rights violations, cannot continue the same, indicated the expert.
In other words, “for the population to once again have confidence in the State, normally the institutions that are implicated like the Army, Police, judicial system, Legislature, an immediate task is that there has to be a profound transformation, not just of the people who had a role of involvement, but also how to return to allow these institutions to be independent again, have a vision of professionalism and democracy,” said the specialist of FUNIDES, as an immediate response, as long as there is a democratic change.
Nevertheless, she pointed out that in the long-term educational programs should be carried out, where topics about a culture of peace can be developed. “That being able to have peace implies developing skills, also in a collective way, that allow for conflicts to be resolved without having to get to violence,” she said.
For Guillermina Zapata, this last pillar on the guarantee of non-repetition is linked to truth and memory, which has cruelly marked her life and that of her family in the two dictatorships of Somoza and Ortega.
The National Guard of Somoza killed her older brother on April 28, 1978 and four decades later, her oldest son, Francisco Reyes Zapata, 34 years of age, was murdered by a well-aimed bullet, direct to the head, while he participated in the protest march on May 30, 2018, Mother´s day in the country.
“The objective is that the youth not be forgotten, and that history not be repeated again. My family fought against the dictatorship of Somoza. We lived through that war, we lost a brother and 40 years later they killed my son. As mothers we have seen that international organizations have made an effort to support us, that is why I have faith that transitional justice will be achieved,” expressed Zapata. “I know it is not going to happen overnight, justice can be slow, but we are going to achieve it,” she added.
The regime is betting on forgetting
After the overthrow of the dictatorship of Somoza four decades ago, the hostilities of two armed conflicts, like the insurrection and the counterrevolution of the 80s, former ambassador Mauricio Díaz commented that a transition process has not been experienced in the country. On the contrary, he says that Nicaraguans have had a short historic memory, which is why the regime is betting again on forgetfulness.
“These [people of the regime] are betting on forgetfulness, that the people will forget, and it is a historical political curse, because we Nicaraguans forget, we have a short historic memory and they are betting on it being forgotten,” he pointed out. Nevertheless, at the same time, he recognizes that the events that occurred rooted in the civic rebellion of April 2018 are “fresh”, and the ongoing reports and pronouncements of the international community are keeping alive the memory of April and the crimes committed by the regime.
“One of the few things that were achieved in Nicaragua with the National Dialogue was that it permitted the entry of the Interamerican Commission of Human Rights (IACHR), the report done by the Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts (GIEI) and the Special Follow up Mechanism for Nicaragua (MESENI). All of these inputs are key and have been key because they have allowed that everything that has happened in Nicaragua be made visible on an international level, from a well-recognized external organization,” concurred the specialist of FUNIDES.
“There is a very clear, very powerful report, from a recognized institution in terms of human rights, and effectively this is going to serve as an input for judicial processes that can happen in the future. Everything that has been done, and what can continue being done on an international level, is very important to accelerate a process of democratic transition in Nicaragua,” recommended the expert.
In the midst of the independence days celebrations in Nicaragua, the denouncement by the IACHR of continued repression by the government and lack of civil liberties, the rejection by the government of a high level OAS delegation to find a peaceful resolution to the crisis, the Catholic Bishops Conference issued this pastoral letter. It is a hopeful and faith filled response to the current bleak situation, encouraging non violent change for a more inclusive and tolerant society.
TO FAITHFUL CHRISTIAN CATHOLICS, MEN AND WOMEN OF GOOD WILL WHO LISTEN TO OUR VOICES
Truth and forgiveness are the basis and path to peace
We write to you, while commemorating these days of patriotism, with a look to the present and the future, as was done on Independence day whose new anniversary we celebrate. And since there is no future without memory, the present offers the opportunity to feel pain from our disputes, past and recent. After nearly a year and a half of suffering and pain where we have experienced in our flesh the passion of our Lord Jesus Christ. This encourages us to pronounce the Word of life and hope that comforts wounded hearts and illuminates uncertainty in the face of the evil that stalks us.
The firm basis for a new construction
We can ask ourselves. How can we contribute to the solution of the acute social, political problems and respond to the great challenge of poverty and exclusion? How can we do this in a country which finds itself in a profound political, social and economic crisis, where the beginning of a new stage seems to be appearing, with its corresponding challenges for our democratic coexistence? There are signs that our institutional attire is too tight, and the citizenry expression is emerging asking for profound changes and reforms. The economic inequality, unemployment and opportunities seem an endemic evil difficult to correct, condemning several social collectives to unfair exclusion and invisibility, like migrants, women, youth, people with different capacities, ethnic groups, among others. Is it possible to love the person who closes the doors of their heart to Our Lord Jesus Christ and thereby, to the opportunity to promote a culture of true peace and democracy? Is it possible to maintain hope, when everything seems to indicate that there is no power capable of resolving our crisis? What can be done, if the word of civil society does not count? Is it possible today in Nicaragua to be Catholic and work for an Institution that does not respect conscience, and toys with the hunger of the people? How can so much cruelty to which we have been subjected be pardoned? Is it possible to heal these wounds?
As brothers along the path, the Episcopal Conference of Nicaragua makes these questions its own, and responds animated by faith: Pope Benedict XVI, on inaugurating the Ecclesial Conference of Aparecida, offers us in this respect a brilliant contribution:
“The problems of Latin America and the Caribbean, as well as the world today, are multiple and complex, and cannot be confronted with general programs […]. In this context it is indispensable to talk about the problem of structures, above all, those that create injustice. In reality, just structures are a condition without which a just order in society is not possible. But how do they start? How do they work? Capitalism as well as Marxism promised finding the path for the creation of just structures, and stated that they, once established, would function on their own; they stated that not only would there not be a need for a prior individual morality, but that they would promote common morality. And it has been demonstrated that this ideological promise is false. The facts make it clear”[…] Just structures are an indispensable condition for a just society, but they do not begin nor function without a moral consensus of society about fundamental values, and about the need to live these values with the necessary renunciations, including against one´s personal interests […].
LET US LOVE THE COUNTRY. We also invite you to Love the Country.
The love for country that should prevail above individual goods, if it is as such, Pope Benedict already said it, has to be united with the pillars that provide sustenance to all coexistence: truth, justice, liberty, fraternity, solidarity. And it also requires more subjective virtues, like empathy, the commitment to know and appreciate others, the desire to save the proposition of the neighbor. Otherwise, the very objective pillars of Love for country are weakened and deteriorate with the reiteration of suspicions and disqualifications. And one small pebble is enough to bring down what an enormous effort had been able to raise up. Is this not one of the causes of the unrest, that, in spite of the evident progress, afflicts national coexistence?
Crisis of Trust
One of the reasons that are at the root of the unrest is due to a crisis of trust, which has been transformed in our Nicaragua into an omnipresent virus that infects all the relationships of our lives, and this is reprehensible! Authority is distrusted, institutions are distrusted, good intentions are distrusted and even the viability of projects themselves. This very distrust puts stress on family life, distances us from our neighbors, and creates barriers between groups and sectors. For this reason, the dialogue that we need to solve our problems is seen to be interrupted, curtailed, darkened. And we even distrust its feasibility and effectiveness for achieving the agreements needed […] It is impossible to believe in distrust! It is impossible to educate in distrust! It is impossible to love with distrust! Distrust cuts the fabric of human tissue and makes the beam that holds up the temple, the nation, the home collapse.
For this reason the cultivation of trust has to be enriched with the “culture of encounter”, which implies the more active attitude of taking responsibility for the other, of committing myself to their care, to their growth, to their freedom, because in the diversity that God has given us as gift is also our wealth. It is not just a matter of “tolerating” the one who is different – a minimalistic attitude – but of “celebrating” with magnanimity our differences, expressing them with freedom, with care and respect, to grow the wealth of our ideas and values. Let us think about Nicaragua and love our country, that is the greatest good of life in society. To work for the good of Nicaragua is to care for, on one hand, and to use, on the other hand, this series of institutions that legally, civilly, politically and culturally structure social life, which is configured in this way as a nation. Our neighbor is loved more effectively the more one works for the good of the country that responds also to their real needs, having the wisdom of integrating and including their wounds and disagreements, certainly in this way we will be capable of inaugurating a more demanding and qualitatively more robust democracy. As pastors, we are fully certain that we can do this in Nicaragua. In this sense, we encourage the youth to continue making their contributions to the nation, with their study and training, with their energy and yearnings for justice and liberty, with all the non violent means within their reach. We do it with the words of Pope Francis, in the World Youth Campaign celebrated in Rio de Janeiro: “do not put yourself at the tail end of history. Be active members! Go on the offensive! Play down the field, build a better world, a world of brothers and sisters, a world of justice, of love, of peace, of fraternity, of solidarity. “ (Pope Francis, Speech to Youth, July 27, 2013).
Encouraged by faith we also believe that:
A new culture laden with hope is possible. As long as there are men and women lovers of Truth and love, who hope and believe in a better future, their dreams will not be snatched away from them. “The God that made himself a lamb tells us that the world is saved by the crucified one and not by the crucifiers. The world is redeemed by the patience of God, and destroyed by the impatience of human beings” (Benedict XVI). The flame that we have received of family values needs to be kept alive: our being eucharistic, marian, believers, hardworking, jovial, sacrificial, etc.
“You have heard that it was said: you will love your neighbor and you will hate your enemy. Well I say to you: love your enemies and pray for those who persecute you, so that you might be the children of our heavenly Father…(Mt 5:43-45). These words of Jesus are not easy to live. Since logically they assume swimming against the current. Even for the disciples themselves it was difficult for them to understand and take on that language. Justifiably they said among themselves this language is difficult, who will be able to understand it? (Jn 9:60). Nevertheless, with his deeds and words, Jesus was establishing a new culture: the culture of love (Jn 15:12). Systems of power and oppression are smashed there. Throughout history we have seen men and women who have assumed this mandate of loving without limits: let us recall Saint Oscar Arnulfo Romero, prophet and martyr in the midst of a context marked by hate and death; the Servant of God, Fr. Odorico D´Andrea, who exercised the apostolate of mercy, reconciliation and offered his life for the peace of this country, marked as well by hate and death. They did not renounce Truth and Love, and that is why they did so much good for their peoples. Today our country more than ever yearns to resort to this capacity for loving as a response to the system of hate and death installed in Nicaragua, which attempts to hide the action of God.
It is difficult to be a Catholic Christian in these conditions, but, we exhort you to not quit struggling for our faith. As long as we are faithful to our values, we know that “nothing is lost as long is there is hope to find it” (St. Augustine). Fundamental for each one of us Nicaraguans is “looking at He who sees us” (St. Theresa of Avila), and that we do not give up. He knew that he was going to be crucified. He knew everything that he was going to suffer. Nevertheless, he made the decision to go up to Jerusalem, to the place of his martyrdom. This conviction for his mission, salvific one, made him overcome the obstacles of the enemies as well of those closest to him (Mt 27:1-2; Mk 10: 32.45; Lk 20:20-26). This has to be our conviction in the mission that we have of building together a country with true peace and democracy. In spite of the fact that a brother Nicaraguan might feel misunderstood where he works. In spite of the fact that he might feel judged or rejected by those who are around him, even by his family for thinking differently (Mt 10: 34-36; Lk 12: 51-53), as long as his life revolves around love, in the end everything will make sense. That is why it is necessary to cultivate prayer. God always has the last word. Let us remain with him, like Mary at the foot of the cross (Jn 19:25). Let us hope with faith. Let us do it for God, for our children, for our youth, for our elderly, being faithful to our Church.
To carry out this mission it is important to forgive, as Jesus tells us: “if someone hits you on the cheek, offer him the other. If someone forces you to give him your mantle, give him also your tunic” (Mt 5:39-40). When Jesus asks you to do this, he is not inviting you to act like a fool, but he is inviting you to break with the cycle of violence. This is being wise. Because violence engenders violence, and as our grandmothers say: “fire is not extinguished with fire”. Let us not wait for the enemies of good to take this step, it is us, first of all, who have to take it on, because forgiveness brings with it that peace that we are called to cultivate. If we want social peace, let us first seek peace in our hearts. We need to break the cycle of violence. There are many peoples who have triumphed with peaceful revolution, with the force of values, faith, hope and charity, in a word, with the power of God.
The illuminating Word of the Gospel
In the face of this great challenge, in the Christian tradition, the wisdom of the Sermon of the Mount emerges with beauty and cogency, especially the Beatitudes. The protagonists in them are not the powerful, nor the rich, the erudite, nor those who determine the immediate future of populations. The protagonists are the poor, the afflicted, dispossessed, those who hunger and thirst for justice, the merciful, the clean of heart, those who work for peace.
The Beatitudes invite us to build our coexistence not on iron poorly mixed with clay, but on the rock of the Word of God. And this firmness is expressed, necessarily, in care for those most disadvantaged of our society, who hope that justice might be for them a mother that shelters them, honors them and invites them to the table of all. Not just for pity, which would already be a human sentiment, but so that they might have available that which is owed them in justice.
In the words of Pope Francis, “the future demands today the task of rehabilitating politics, which is one of the highest forms of charity. The future demands of us also a humanistic vision of the economy, and a politics that achieves evermore and better participation of people, avoids elitism and eradicates poverty”. And to achieve this urgent mission he had invited us with great clarity to “travel in pilgrimage to the existential fringes of society.”
Conclusion: Invited to dream
Authorities, friends, brothers and sisters: The Sermon of the Mount (Mt 5-7) is a monument to fraternity. It is based on our common descendancy from God the Father, who does not admit discrimination based on race, sex, creed or lack of belief. A fraternity that, when it is forgotten, leads us to act like Cain, losing good sense and abandoning more human means. It is the madness that leads to preparing rockets and putting trust in weapons of death. This has never been the path. Never! In contrast, when real space is given to fraternity and it is believed in, we can confront one another with the truth, expressed with respect, love, frankness and with affection, and with an untiring dialogue, keeping the doors open to reunion and coexistence in peace.
Invited to dream
Let us recall the dream of Martin Luther King (June 28, 1963), let ourselves be allowed to dream from faith, as bishops of our country Nicaragua: let us dream of a country where we might rediscover graciousness in our personal and institutional relationships; let us dream of a country where people are exactly in the center of our concern and our work; let us dream of recognizing one another as brothers, as sisters, even more fraternal with the weakest, most vulnerable and with those with different capacities; let us dream that the greatest interest not be money but the growth of people and the happiness of their families; let us dream that Nicaragua might be, in truth, a table for all, also for those who migrate seeking in that home new horizons for their lives; let us dream of a country without discrimination of any type; let us dream of a country with its hand extended and face uncovered; let us dream of a just, fraternal and caring country.
Let us dream of a reconciled country! Let us dream of a hopeful country!
PRAY THE ROSARY
Mary is the beloved of Yahweh and Nicaragua belongs to Mary. We invite you to pray as a family the Holy Rosary so that our mother might take to Jesus the intention of being faithful to our mission of building a better Nicaragua for all. Let us cultivate this tradition around our grandparents and parents. It is in the family, “small domestic church” (St. Paul VI), where new leaders are formed with the vocation of service to the country. The solution to our conflicts as a nation start in the family. Let us make our homes into sanctuaries of love.
Issued in the offices of the Episcopal Conference of Nicaragua on the 15th day of September in the year 2019, on the feast of our Lady of Sorrows.
Seal of the Episcopal Conference, and signatures of:
I haven’t been back to Nicaragua since last February. Circumstances there just haven’t warranted a trip. Ten months seems like a long time when I look at the calendar, but it’s more like a lifetime when I consider how much Spanish language ability I’ve lost during that time. (It’s loss that I could ill afford; I have referenced my Spanish language frustrations here in past entries.) It’s true what they say: if you don’t use it, you lose it. Over the years, I struggled to understand everything that was being said in conversations taking place around me; now I seem to be pretty well lost. The loss of ability to converse, to understand, to explain, to empathize, is a disappointing loss of hope on my part to ever be able to speak with Nicaraguans in their own language.
It strikes me that I may not be the only one.
The U.S. government finds itself in shutdown mode once more. This particular episode seems destined to be of longer duration than the 3- day closing earlier this year or the 16 days experienced in 2013, with the President alternatively claiming “the mantle of responsibility” for himself and blaming Democrats for obstructionism. The Democrats in return have folded their arms and claimed “no money for a wall.” On this, the ninth day of the current closure, the sides are not speaking. They seem to have lost their ability to speak with one another in a common language of compromise. (Something that members of government are charged with doing, by the way.)
Meanwhile, as I bemoan the shrinking opportunity for me to hear and understand Nicaraguans, it’s clear that Nicaraguans are suffering from a similar sort of loss. Theirs is not the loss of words- there have been plenty from both sides of the current impasse- but rather the loss of peace, security, and, in some cases, livelihoods. In a country which already faces immense difficulties of poverty, natural disasters, economic limitations and a history of international intrusions, the loss of meaningful national dialogue is nothing short of tragedy. It’s as though the two sides are speaking different languages.
To complicate matters, we live in an age of technology-centered communication, one which seductively encourages the impersonal use of digits in lieu of voices. Tweets attempt to tell us what to believe as true. E-mails provide shelter to type things we might never consider saying in person. Social media permits the replication and amplification of sometimes false or misleading information. We are told that the digital age should be an assist to language and communications everywhere, yet the modern-day record tells a different story of alienation, mistrust and a growing distance between ourselves and “others,” in locales all over the world.
As a result, perhaps truth and understanding have become qualities that we can only know for personally. Maybe I can come to know Nicaraguan partners only on the basis of shared conversation, face-to-face, Spanish-to-Spanish (if I ever get good enough). Perhaps in this country, the tweets of a compulsive prevaricator have to be disregarded and we must access ideas of substance from more reliable sources. And the claims of either an autocrat or a protestor require affirmation by sources we know and trust and with whom we have spoken. In short, what we know to be true has to come from discourse and discernment through common language If our words have no meaning, then they are no more than empty sounds.
The quality of my Spanish non-fluency diminishes even further with lack of use. Likewise, the quality of our language- our ability to communicate effectively with fellow human beings- diminishes when not exercised regularly. Contrary to some modernists, language does matter, whether it’s the diction, the context or the grammar that make up our best efforts to let another human being know our truth.
It’s a new year. In what is surely a great irony, I pray for the opportunity to return to Nicaragua and to display my utter lack of Spanish language skills. It may be painful but it places me face-to-face with others who also deeply wish to share what they have to teach, what they know as their reality. Here in the U.S., I hope that the men and women entrusted with bipartisan and compromise governance of our country belatedly recognize the damage that their lack of common language is doing to this nation. In Nicaragua, I long for a peaceful resolution to the tensions which have ripped apart that country in ways too terrible to imagine even a year ago.
In every case, hope for healing begins in the expression and meaning of our words, and whether they are shared with any measure of both honesty and compassion….
Harley Morales lives today in a type of cloister. This 26 year old young student of sociology at the Central American University (UCA) in Nicaragua sleeps in a safe house, along with 40 other university student representatives of the student groups that emerged in the current political crisis.
Harley Morales is a member of the political strategy committee of the University Alliance, one of the five student movements that make up the University and Civil Society Coalition, a group that is leading the political struggle that is demanding the departure of the current rulers. NGOs and business groups have joined this coalition.
The crisis started less than two months ago, on April 18th, due to the cut in the social security pensions. The protests turned massive due to the attacks of the National Police and the progovernment forces. When the dead began to be counted, the protests ceased being for the pensions, and were directed against state repression. The university students entrenched themselves in the universities and churches, and a significant sector of the population accompanied them, demanding the resignation of the rulers. This was the beginning of the current political and social crisis in Nicaragua. Barely seven weeks ago. Since then, more tham 130 people have died as a direct consequence of the conflict, and every day that lists gets longer.
More pushed by circumstances that by a deliberate decision to lead a popular revolt, the students had to move in the midst of a full street protest to a new stage: that of organization. “Since April 19th itself committees began to be organized and movements built; we were worried that the protest would dissipate,” said Harley Morales. His University Alliance arose out of what he called “the hijacking of the cathedral”: on April 19 in full retreat, fleeing bullets, hundreds of students and civilian took refuge in the Managua cathedral and had to stay there several days, under siege. Within the church they organized, and the first leaders emerged. In a similar fashion another four groups were formed in several universities.
These students leaders mutated in a few weeks from social agitators to political actors. If before (barely a month ago) you could find them on a street with a megaphone in hand, or organizing logistics on campus, now they are living together, as if they were in confinement, isolated, surrounded by advisers and with tremendous pressure from different sectors to take postures in a very complicated process.
They are, then, a true spontaneous generation, trying to adapt to their prominence in one of those moments that close and open chapters in history. They continue being, along with the church, those who legitimize each step of the process and have won national and international recognition since the moment in which, during the installation of the national dialogue last May 16th, a 20 year old student called Lesther Alemán said to President Ortega that the only thing they were going to negotiate at that table was his departure. That video was seen around the world.
The Ortega government consider them to be part of a “right wing coup conspiracy”, and more than a few suspicions have been caused by the sudden economic capacity of the students to hold press conferences in luxury hotel meeting rooms, or maintaining a new lives without having income.
Harley Morales does not shy away from responding to these questions and clarified the origin of the funds for his support. But they know, he says, that these funds come with a trapdoor from sectors that are trying to move their agenda through the students, who have won legitimacy in the streets. They are young people without experience, at times naïve, who are trying to walk through a forest with a lot of threats, more than a few of them walking right alongside them.
Last week a delegation of these students visited Washington to attend the General Assembly of the OAS, and just afterward they met and were photographed with three of the most extremist US republicans: Marco Rubio, Ted Cruz and Ileana Ross-Lehtinen. The photos surprised everyone in Nicaragua and were seen with reservations not just by sympathizers of Ortega, but also by opponents of the regime, liberals and ex Sandinistas. “It was terrible”, he says. “They are the extreme Republican right. We are very unhappy with that trip, that was paid for from the United States, and an agenda was imposed on them. It has given us a terrible image. We are going to have to correct mistakes.”
El Faro has confirmed that the trip to Washington was paid for by the organization Freedom House, based in Washington, who in addition set the agenda for the students, including the polemical visits to Rubio, Cruz and Ross-Lehtinen. Carlos Ponce, director of Latin America for Freedom House, argued that they asked for meetings with other congresspeople and senators, but only those three accepted. “It seems that they are the ones most interested,” he said.
The photos with the Republicans were ill-timed, given the situation in Nicaragua: the government of Ortega accused the students of being instruments of an international right wing conspiracy. The mistake has not discredited them, but it has left them some of their first lessons in politics, as Harley Morales admits. The principal one, probably, is that there are a lot of people around you wanting to impose an agenda that is not theirs.
It is helpful here to put things in context. These young people were children when Daniel Ortega won the presidency in 2006. They are university students without any political experience, who have been under the spotlights for two months and under the weight of leading an important transition in their country. It is not strange, then, that their naivete was revealed in their visit to Washington. But above all it is not strange that there would be so many sectors interested in isolating them, in influencing them, in advancing their own agendas through them. “We know that only we can legitimize this process,” says Harley Morales. Those who prowl around them today also know it.
This conversation took place on Friday June 8 in Managua.
How have you organized in seven weeks?
Since April 19 committees began to be organized and movements built. We were concerned that the protest would dissipate. Five movements were formed and later the University and Civil Society Coalition. When the Bishops Conference called for the dialogue, we held meetings with COSEP (Superior Council of Private Enterprise), with civil society organizations and others who were in favor of articulating this. COSEP is part of the Coalition, also AMCHAM (American Chamber of Commerce in Nicaragua); there are peasant organizations amd also the representation of the peoples of the Caribbean.
Why did you decide to unite with groups so different from your own?
We know that the way to defeat the regime is making a common agenda. The student movement already transmuted into politics. We are not fighting for scholarships nor for sector agendas.
And who is paying for your new life? Your upkeep, lodging, transportation, security, your trips…
We demanded a minimum of security to go to the dialogue and obviously the government would not give us that. We have to ally ourselves with other sectors, like the private sector and civil society. It is not just the private sector. Oxfam is there, the María Elena Cuadra Movement, agricultural producers and ranchers, etc…
How did the trip to Washington come up?
That trip was something very strange. We are very unhappy with that trip. Even with our representative. When we planned it there were already many actors wanting to intervene in the agenda. That happened from the beginning. I am refering to organizations, opposition politicians, some more from the right… That trip was financed from the US (Freedom House) and an agenda was imposed on them, and that was terrible. They were the ones who decided which students would go.
Why did you accept it then?
We did not accept it. We were going with a clear issue that they would attend the General Assembly of the OAS. It is terrible. We did not know about the meetings with Ted Cruz, Ileana Ross nor with Marco Rubio. We are very unhappy about that. When the young people come back, we are going to talk with them. We cannot cede on what is fundamental.
What are you refering to?
That they did not tell us that they were going to those meetings. It was very strange. All the movements now have advisors. People that get around. Offspring of politicians, businesspeople…They have a very clear political line. Of the three students that went to Washington, two are from the April 19th Movememt and one, Fernando Sanchez, yes is from our alliance.
And he did not tell you where he was going?
In the Coalition they no longer see us as groups. Someone called him and told him: we are going to take you. They did not communicate anything with the rest of us.
What is it that you do not like about the meetings with Rubio, Cruz and Ross?
We do not sell ourselves out! Not even in our own Alliance. We propose our points above the table. We have legitimacy and this alliance exists because of us, not because of the private sector, and we can discredit the alliance and leave. We are not the children of COSEP. I am from the left, I would not have gone.
How have those meetings been received within the University Alliance?
We are going to have to do a plan for correcting mistakes. We have created a terrible image for ourselves. If they were already saying we were children of COSEP; what are they going to say now, that we are the children of the US Republican Party? We have to talk about this when they return.
In your opinion are there actors interested in manipulating you?
Many. I was in the UPOLI (Polytechnical University, one of the first taken over by the students to entrench themselves) on April 22nd, and I remember then how many actors that I recognized were there already looking to talk to someone. There were many groups fighting over student leadership. And many trying “to advise”. That is the key word. The “advisors” that I think are making decisions and there are movements that are letting themselves be advised by certain people.
What is your relationship with COSEP in this situation?
We are very clear. We know that when COSEP does not need us, they are going to throw us away. But we have other plans.
Are you going to reveal them to me now?
Of course. History tells us that we should not submit ourselves to the political and economic agenda of the business sector, and we know that they will leave us in the streets. We know the risk that we run by receiving their support. They believe that they can ask us for something in exchange. We are insisting on justice and democracy, and there are some things that we say that they have not liked.
Is there no contradiction in that you, opponents of the system implanted by Ortega and the large business sector, are being supported by those same business people?
Yes there is. There were two pacts that allowed Ortega to come to power: the one he made with Arnaldo Aleman, and the one he made with big business. When we started to dialogue with the business leaders, we did not do it with (José Adán) Aguerri (Executive Director of COSEP), but with Michael Healy (president of the Union of Agricultural Producers of Nicaragua, UPANIC) and with Álvaro Vargas from FAGANIC (Federation of Associations of Ranchers). We believe that COSEP now is in dispute. Healy´s chamber is the most belligerent. We have the business leaders as allies for the dialogue, but we do not trust them. Once we were very clear with them: we told them that we were afraid that the dialogue would be a show for the media and that the real dialogue would be happening under the table. That is still a fear. We are demanding justice and democracy.
And justice means having all the corrupt people in court? In other words, even the business people who end up being accomplices of the corruption?
Yes, of course! But first those responsible for all these murders have be tried.
If Ortega resigned tomorrow, as you are asking, and there was a call for elections, what would you do?
We are not longer committed to being a student movement, but a change for the corrupt political elite that has always watched out for its own interests. Maybe we might not be the ones who are going to lead the country in the short term, but we are going to be a belligerent force. If there were elections tomorrow, we would have to sit down with a lot of people. “Prepare the field”, as the OAS says. We are not only demanding transparent elections, but profound electoral reforms. We do not want just a change of elites. We do not want traditional parties. The Sandinista Front is not just to blame here, but the entire oligarchy and the political elite of this country, for complicity or for incapacity. We have made it clear to the business people that we did not want elections, but the resignation of the current rulers and the formation of a transitory ruling junta. Our struggle is also against all the traditional political parties.
So, how do you want to do it?
The FSLN right now is in crisis. Our fear is that if we give them more time to call elections, COSEP and the big business sector will make another tripartite pact [that is what they call in Nicaragua the agreement between Ortega, big business, and the unions, that has allowed Ortega to govern without counterweights, pervert state institutions and eliminate the opposition, with the blessing and complicity of big business which, in exchange, dictates the economic measures and benefits from the State]. We need guarantees that neither the political parties nor the business people are those who are going to take this. No one can impose their own interests.
But what would be, for you, the ideal calendar?
Private enterprise has asked for 14 months. That would allow them to pact with the regime or install themselves. We are asking for popular circumscription to participate in elections in alliance with other sectors.
But how, with whom, if you presume to not have leaders?
Every agreement of civil society needs today to be legitimized by us. We have to be pretty wise to know who are those called to exercise public posts. We are not approaching it with the logic of revenge.
Recently representatives of the OAS came and met with you. What did you talk about?
We talked. They did not say much. We clarified for them our positions and the scenario we are in. Ortega would like a pact with less belligerent actors. We know the love relationship between Almagro and this government. They say that the field will be ready for January, but they will have killed us by January. We presented our agenda to them. They told us that they are not accepting anything outside of the constitutional avenues.
And what was your counterproposal?
That in August there could be a call for elections. But first there has to be reforms. We did not accept any early elections.
All of this requires Ortega´s departure?
At the moment in which the dictator accepts our agenda, he would be surrendering. That we know. We would be twisting his arm. That depends on our capacity to get people into the street. Unfortunately we just played a bad role before the international community.
Let us talk a bit about your current conditions, closed in, with security…This has not made you lose your connection with the streets, that was precisely what you were able to win in April?
A lot. It has is cons but also its pros. It has allowed us to organize ourselves better, design strategies, lines of action. We have lost the contact with the barricades and our weakness is the UNAN (Autonomous University of Nicaragua), because it is very big. We are trying to integrate ourselves more into the Coalition. There was a moment when we were in the barricades. Now we are in another phase. It is no longer just entrenching ourselves. We are going to have to be very creative and learn from history.
You mention the word history a lot. Do you see yourselves as actors in a historic moment?
Yes, we know that. The circumstances demand making careful decisions and being disciplined. Calling this a revolution is beautiful, but that means changing structures. The priority now is that they do no kill us. Later, justice and democracy.
The dialogue rountable called by the Bishops Conference has been suspended. What happens if it is ended?
We are planning strategies so that the way of shutting down the country be more coordinated. A network of supplies. The possibility always exists for a shut down or installation of a ruling junta in liberated territory, like Masaya. They are ways of applying pressure.
In the game of chess that is being lived out within Nicaragua right now, the Bishops Conference of the Catholic Church has been visible and active as a mediator between the demonstrators and President Daniel Ortega. That role has persisted this week, even as the violence continues and, with time, both sides seem to have become even more intractable.
The country at large has become less navigable as increasing numbers of roadblocks have cut off nearly all travel, even through the most roundabout means. (You can see the map of blockades as of June 7 here.) Aside from the inconvenience created within a country where travel between points A and B is already a challenge, the roadblocks hinder the delivery of harvests to markets. That’s a significant economic threat to rural producers and to commerce in general. Of course, if the harvests cannot be sold at market, borrowers will face defaults on loans they may have taken to plant and grow the crop. Default with an organization like WPF may result in a renovation of terms; default with a commercial lender may result in the loss of property or other pledged assets, the country-in-crisis notwithstanding. So any thoughts about the demonstrations and disruptions being limited in impact to Managua or the universities are simply incorrect: this is a dangerous national matter.
The Bishops have sought to be intermediaries, to neutralize the rhetoric and to seek common ground as a starting point for discussion and resolution. But that has proven to be far more difficult than simply occupying a referee’s chair. The initial national dialogue which has sought traction under their guidance featured an angry interruption of Daniel Ortega’s opening comments by student leaders. Mr. Ortega himself has been absent from subsequent efforts at dialogue. The violence around the country has continued and grieving is once again a national pastime.
Most recently, the Bishops have sought to meet with President Ortega to formally make request on the most pressing matters fueling the demonstrations, as follows:
We the Bishops of the Episcopal Conference of Nicaragua, as mediators and witnesses to the National Dialogue, inform the Nicaraguan people that after listening to several sectors of national and international society, we are asking the President of the Republic of Nicaragua, Daniel Ortega Savaadrea, for a meeting to deal with the issues so indispensable and essential for our country, concerning justice and democracy, on which peace always depends, with the purpose of assessing in the plenary session of the Dialogue the helpfulness of carrying it forward.
This meeting has been accepted by the President, it will be tomorrow Thursday June 7 at 3:00pm in la Casa de los Pueblos.
After that meeting, we will be reporting to the national and international community about the dialogue. For that reason we are inviting the press to a conference at 7:00pm on that same day in the Our Lady of Fatima seminary.
We ask our faithful to intensify their prayers for the success of that conversation.
In our office, Wednesday June 6, 2018, Year of the Lord.
THE BISHOPS CONFERENCE OF NICARAGUA
The meeting was held, and a second communique from the Bishops was issued yesterday:
We the Bishops of the Bishop´s Conference of Nicaragua communicate to the Nicaraguan people, that we have finished our conversation with the President of the Republic.
We have done it as pastors of the people of God who have entrusted this to us seeking new horizons for our Country.
The dialogue with the President happened in an environment of serenity, frankness and sincerity, where we set out to the President the pain and anguish of the people in the face of the violence suffered in recent weeks, and the agenda agreed upon in the Plenary of the National Dialogue on the democratization of the country.
We have handed him the proposal that brings together the sentiments of many sectors of Nicaraguan society, and expresses the longing of the immense majority of the population. We are awaiting his response in writing as soon as possible.
Once the President of the Republic has responded to us formally, we will call for a meeting of the Plenary of the National Dialogue to assess that response and therefore the feasibility of continuing the National Dialogue.
In the Seminary of Our Lady of Fatima, on the 7th day of June of 2018, Year of the Lord.
[Bishops signatures follow]
What the Bishops have succeeded in doing is to have tried again to formally focus the issues requiring address. Amidst the chaos and the shouting and the allegations and realties of the past weeks, at some point the process of address must begin. The Bishops have presented the President with the issues and an opportunity. The chessboard presents a lot of moves by both sides. The Bishops hope not to be used as mere pawns….
Colombians, weapons have given you independence, but only the law will give you freedom.
Francisco de Paula Santander (1792-1840), Colombian leader
The law of the jungle should not be the law that our children follow
Seanna Wolf, ex Irish prisioner.
The weak can never forgive. Forgiveness is an attribute of the strong
Colombia is the country with the highest level of inequality, the oldest democracy and the longest armed conflict in Latin America. It is a country that now has the opportunity for peace, strengthen its democracy and reduce its inequality, particularly the agrarian inequality. Will it be able to take advantage of this opportunity? Far from showing majority support, and improving laws so that they be given freedom, as Santander would suggest, the peace process appears to polarize society even more, making the “law of the jungle” bleed their social leaders, and contrary to the words of Gandhi, making forgiveness a sign of weakness. How can changes be generated that would lead toward peace with justice and shared prosperity? That question concerns us in this article.
The signing of the Peace Accords in November 2016 marked a before and after in Colombia. Society is involved in a broad debate. The most repeated words are: peace accords, reincorporation, reinsertion, demobilization, ex-combatants, reconciliation, normalization, forgiveness, illicit crop, territory, guerrilla, comrade, partner…They are disputed words: “worthy reincorporation into the legal system” versus “reincorporation of the communities against the system of injustice”; “normalization” versus “Who is normal?”; “peace accords of the government and the FARC” versus “rural communities do not know these accords and the governors of the regions are opposed to these accords” and “we already disarmed them, now let´s do what is in our interests, let´s ensure that they do not return to dissidence”; “Colombian democracy is the oldest democracy in Latin America” versus “it is a mafia-like, oligarchial and corrupt democracy”. They explain the meanings: “partner, in the war we would hunt some animal and the family would give us rice, or we protected them and they gave us food, that is why we would call them partner”; “demobilized from weapons, but mobilized by the ideals of justice and democracy”. And solutions for attracting excombatants abound: solidarity economics, inclusive business, cooperativism, corporations, Jesus Christ Savior, production projects…
After 52 years of war between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the government, and even in the process of negotiation with the National Liberation Army (ELN), society seems more polarized about the peace process. The October 2016 plebiscite revealed this reality: half of the country said it should be ratified, the other half said no. What explains this polarization that is capable of undermining the peace process? There are at least two attitudes (see Figure 1), one that is cultivated by a society at war, manipulated by elites and resting on a brutal, even though resisted, inequality; and the other that sees the peace process as the opportunity to economically, socially, and politically democratize the country.
Inequality is the key element for explaining the realities of Colombia, be those the armed conflicts or the successes that the peace accords might have. Consequently, following the words of Stiglitz in Bogotá in February 2017, “there can be no sustainable economic prosperity unless that prosperity is shared”. How can changes be generated that in the long term might lead toward a peace with justice and shared prosperity?
In this article we reflect on this question taking inspiration from some experiences in Central America, having shared with different actors in the framework of international events in Bogotá, and listened to friends in Colombian academia who are working so that this peace opportunity might help democratize the country. Our motivation is the conviction that if the most unequal country in Latin America deepens its democracy, all of Latin America will feel those winds of inclusion and democratic aspiration.
2. Perspectives on peace and democracy
Here I identify two models of interpretation of the conflicts and democracy. The first model is “top down”, from war to peace and from authoritarianism to democracy; or polyarchy, a system for containing the pressure of the masses for social change, where decisions and mass participation are reduced to choosing leaders in elections controlled by elites (Robinson, 1996, 2002, 2014). In this perspective the conception is that the armed struggle is an obstacle for democracy, that democracy generates a society without conflicts, that society resolves its contradictions competing for votes, and is modernized based on free trade competing efficiently. Correspondingly, judicial and electoral reforms are done so that laws guide the masses, and the (neoliberal) economic model is fine-tuned, understanding that peace is established on the basis of development; and development means economic growth and the extraction of natural resources to the benefit of an elite (traditional extractivism), or neoextractivism that, as Escobar observed (2012), is also to improve social infrastructure (education and health) and reduce poverty – in other words, the extractivist model is invariable- what varies is whether it is only for an elite or for more, and whether the State plays an active role (iun the neo-extractivism).
The second model is the “bottom up” one, where the idea is that armed conflicts were, and now the social movements are, the basic conditions for resolving historical contradictions and promoting a sustainable democracy (Robinson, 1996, 2002, 2014). Correspondingly, the participation of the population is promoted with their respective life paths, that peace is established with alternatives to development where economic growth and markets, as Gudymas and Acosta argue (2011), are subordinated to the model of wellbeing understood holistically, with social, economic and environmental sustainability. In this framework, peace is achieved to the extent that inequality cedes and the (neoliberal) economic model changes to one of collective well being.
Figure 1 and the words within which the entire country moves can be reread in the light of these two models. From the first model the peace accords express the victory of democracy over the armed struggle, which is why those who are demobilized should submit to the law, ask forgiveness for their fighting and integrate themselves into the neoliberal economy and formal democracy, while the government provides material and legal benefits to the disarmed groups and ensures order. From the second model the idea is that the armed struggle opened an opportunity for democracy to deepen, disrupting State institutions and markets within a perspective not of intensifying development, but of providing space for development alternatives, because it is precisely the reigning development model that produces the inequality and armed conflicts.
Making these perspectives explicit can be reflected in the role of the State, the FARC, social movements, academia, the churches, cooperatives and international aid agencies. Let us give two examples. The first example, academia, following the example of model 1, it is seen armed with categories and methodologies that have sustained the model of development that has generated the inequality and that is opposed to peace; or, following model 2, it can be seen proposing new categories and methodologies coherent with the development alternatives model. The second example, international aid, following model 1, believes it knows the realities of the rural communities and it knows the solutions, which is why it aligned up project writers to hunt for profitable “production projects”, or that at least in the short term would keep ex-combatants from taking up arms again; or, following model 2, democratizes their decisions and opens itself up to understanding the multiple realities of the peasant, indigenous, and afro-descendent communities, and takes the risk of listening to and responding to solutions that maybe do not fit in the neoliberal economic model in which it tended to locate itself. Being part of the solutions and contributing to peace begins disrupting our own attitudes and comforts, that maybe are as authoritarian and centralizing as those of any institution or organization that we are happy to criticize.
3. What is concealed and what is sought to change
Having this broad perspective, we notice that the armed conflict with the FARC began with two key concepts, the agrarian reality and democracy. The Historical Commission on the Conflict and its Victims (2014) published 12 essays of authors who studied the causes and effects of the conflict in Colombia. Even with different perspectives, all of them agree on the fact that the agrarian issue and the fragile liberal democracy were determining causes, which is why in their recommendations they highlight the fact that changes should happen in land use and access, and that work be done on an economic model where equity would prevail. If Colombia is the most unequal country in its income (CEPAL, 2017), the inequality is worse in the agrarian reality: the gini coefficient for income, where 1 is equal to complete inequality and 0 is equal to complete equality, was 0.530 and the gini coefficient in rural property was 0.897 in 2015; while that coefficient for income improved, because it dropped from 0.564 in 2009, the coefficient for property went up from 0.885 in 2009.
The agrarian question refers to landownership, its use, technology and markets. The key in that is access to ownership of the land. The graph and table 1 show that in the same period of the armed conflict inequality for access to property in Colombia has gotten worse: the Gini Coefficient from 1960 to 2014 went from 0.868 to 0.897. In the same period 0.5% of total owners with more than 500 Hectares of land went from having 29.2% of total land to having 68.2%; while around 88% of total owmers with less than 20 hectares went from having 17.3% to only having 8% of total land.
Table 1. Comparison of number of APUs and land used by range of size
5 to 20
20 to 50
50 to 200
200 to 500
Source: IGAC (2012) Atlas of rural property distribution in Colombia; 2014 Agricultural Census
The cause that generated the armed conflict intensified. This is even worse if we take note of the increasing use of mono-cropping and extraction of natural resources, as well as the financial barriers (e.g. credit in accordance with “capacity to pay”) and commercial barriers (free trade treaties) that affected around 80% of the property owners of the country. The impact of that reality on the country is alarming; socially, Colombia is the country with the largest number of internally displaced people in the world, and “violation of human rights has become a habitual practice” (Oxfam Internacional, 2017); politically, it is fragile democracy because of its liberal institutions where the connection between arms and politics prevails (Gutiérrez, 2014). Peasant, indigenous and Afro-descendent communities have suffered the dispossession of their means of life and culture, creating uprootedness and extreme poverty, which has contributed to the armed conflict. Behind that inequality and its impact are hundreds of years of distrust between peasant, indigenous and Afro-descendent families and the families of that group of less than 1% backed by the State and the ideas of “development”; this reminds us of the historian Wolf, who says that the French peasantry at the end of the XVII century had included a phrase at the end of the Our Father that they would pray every night before going to bed: “ and from justice, free us Lord” – that “justice” (State) that dispossessed them from their land and territories, and which the agrarian scholar Machado (2009:54, confirms: “the facts show that State action continues breaking up medium size rural property, while large traditional property is not transformed, and small ownership gets even poorer; in other words, the State and society are supporting a bimodal rural structure in ownership as well as in their forms of controversial and not very efficient exploitation, that does not help promote economic growth; in addition, it is a structure that destroys natural resources, undervalues the rural reality and creates conflict between rural society and national society.”
At the same time, that agrarian reality should be qualified. In 1940 the urban population was 30% and in 2012 it was 74%, which is why obviously the weight of the agrarian reality and the notion of what is rural has changed drastically. We do not know the reliability of the Censuses for making distinctions about those changes; but given the large extensions of land that the war included, and the typical problems of legality and forms of land acquisition that our countries of Latin America have tended to suffer, it could be that the table on land ownership would vary, that that bimodal structure might be less and that therefore that structure might express more potential than it now expresses.
The peace accords happened within that context of the incease in inequality and the awakening in society that another economics subordinated to life and democracy is possible. In spite of the fact that after a year there may have been no land distribution yet, while the political opposition defending that 0.5% of large property owners is growing, the peace accords do provide an opportunity for the country to democratize. The question is: will it? Following the mentality of model 1, the problem and its solutions are understood as something technical-administrative, like a “lack of”, precisely to conceal that inequality produced by the fragile formal democracy and the conventional economic model – and to that we would add a perspective closed to the bimodal structure that only sees land and crops. Following the mentality of model 2, the problem and the solutions are understood within the framework of power relationships, change in the power structure (questioning land ownership) and in the people through a different model of improvement – and with that we would add an agrarian perspective that includes land, crops, crafts and recreation of identity). Consistent with the historical perspective and the data presented, we understand that the inequality is above all a problem of the assymmetry in the power relationships, not a technical or administrative problem.
4. Danger of using peace to heighten the inequality
The bigger risk is that in the name of peace that oligarchic belief is imposed that peace needs more development: economic growth with (neo)extractivism of the natural resources and mono-cropping. It is like saying, the regions of the country are impoverished because of lack of “development”, when it could be the opposite, they are impoverished because of too much “development”.
It is probable that this 0.5% of owners, maybe connected to the finance industry, agroindustry, commerce and the communications media, might see the peace accords as the opportunity to increase their wealth, in addition to legalizing the land that perhaps they obtained through illegal means. That is, far from ceding an inch of land and understanding its importance for peace, they see it as an opportunity for the expansion of the agricultural frontier (in addition to being able to use 70% of the arable land which is unused), new areas free for extraction and mono-cropping, repurchase of land that eventually the State might give out, cheap labor and members of private security bodies among the disarmed, zones free from the FARC in order to control them with armed criminal groups and drug trafficking networks that respond to the demand of the US market, expansion of the financial and agro-chemical industries, “controlable” cooperatives that collect their harvested products and intermediate inputs to them…To take advantage of these opportunities they make use of trade rules, commercial treaties, usury, credit rules and the rules of making policy; and they see the opening of roads, schools and health centers as support.
In a parallel fashion, the avalanche of more-of-the-same solutions makes the disarmed and the rural communities – peasants, indigenous and Afrodescendents –confused. “Inclusive businesses” where the anchor are private enterprises under the principles of “more volume, more profits” and “economies of scale”; cooperatives that discipline their members in mono-cropping, aid organizations responding with projects to “the lack of” technology, knowledge, capital and markets; bilateral aid agencies that with one hand support their own extractive companies and with the other finance actions that would mitigate the effects of climate change; religions (Catholic and Protestant) that win over individuals who would recognize their sins and find forgiveness and glory in the beyond. It is institutionalized technocratic conceit: elites believe they know the realities of the communities, they believe they have the solutions (money, knowledge and decisions) and they believe that change comes from above, while they are moved by a mentality of seeing the agrarian reality as in the past, only land, crops, technology and markets; the worst that can happen is to see the disarmed as agricultural producers and that agriculture is a matter of having land, equipment, inputs and buyers for what is produced.
These solutions also express centenarian and even millennial hierarchical structures. The mono-cropping structure is sustained by a transnational hierarchical structure – be they enterprises, aid industry, Churches, States or academia. The guerrillas also come from a hierarchical Leninist structure of “democratic centralism”. What is common among them is the centralization of decisions in an elite based on informal rules located in the mentality of model 1, not on rules like the Constitution of a country, that statutes of an organization, the agreements of assemblies or the rules of Afro-descendent communities. What is also common in them is the belief that there is nothing good in those “from far below”, and that is why the technician, priest and politician work on persuading. This institutionality, in good measure, tends to be reciprocated by those who are “from far below”, who have internalized that without the boss, commandante or patron, life has no direction; in addition, it becomes a social code: an ex-combatant that shows up to work on a mono-cropping hacienda is familiar with their “order-obey” structure; it seems normal to an activist of a social movement, turned into the director of an aid agency, to have the power to approve projects.
How can this danger be confronted where some good local institutions and communities with strong social and economic networks are being battered? “Everyone for themselves” is a common reaction, ex-combatants and ex chiefs who will seek their own paths in different areas and spaces; others will insist on the promised tangibles goods; many will organize to depend on external resources; in this dynamic, those who persist in their struggle for equality and justice, beyond individual benefits, will be described as terrorists, considered rebels and candidates to be excluded from external benefits and to be part of those leaders physically assassinated and then “assassinated by neoliberalism”. “Everyone help one another” would be more strategic; that is committed to the viability of family agriculture (small scale production or peasant economy) and crafts that would generate autonomy and energize the communal level; a peasant family that diversifies in agricultural and non agricultural activities, uses markets to scale up their income and ensure their food. Within this framework, if that family organizes in a cooperative to resolve collective problems and negotiate resources that inject energy into their production systems and endogenous institutions, they will be contributing to mobilizing their communities and with that, the resurgence of a more just and peaceful society. This does not deny the existence of monocropping and large transnational enterprise, but restrains it, makes visible what is at play in society and shows that it is not a matter of “persuading” and of responding to “the lack of”, but of creating the appropriate conditions in which changes happen in the mentality of society and its institutions
5. Imperative to focus the direction and the prospects for building an arduous peace
This step requires that the different actors (State, academia, aid organizations, Churches, popular organizations, unions, FARC) rethink their actions. Not only should they support mono-cropping and “the lack of”, but above all families in their agricultural and non agricultural activities, forms of organization and logic in territories of indigenous and Afro-descendent communities, and communities that as Arjona (2016) shows have diverse social institutions, which would have to be understood before prescribing “development” for them. Here we deal with the how.
Figure 2 illustrates the form of relationship between the aid organizations and the communities –populations, disarmed groups, small scale producers or family economy (agriculture, home made products, non agricultural activities). There we see that there is a certain amount of dispersion between the organizations and institutions and they have different discourses with the different rural communities – peasant, indigenous and Afro-descendent. But they coincide in relating to the communities through the “intermediate stratum of development”, who are the technicians, promoters, religious and aid workers. This “stratum” connects two worlds, that of the aid agencies and institutions, and that of the communities; even though in practice the “intermediate stratum” might be more a prolongation of world 1, it tends to turn into world 3, interpreting world 1 and 2 from its perspective. For example, the State through the Reincorporation and Normalization Agency (RNA), has hundreds of technicians going to the communities, as do the aid agencies, churches or the FARC through their structures and technicians responsible for writing projects, encouraging and facilitating organizational processes. We predict that the peace process will be consolidated in its version of responding to “the lack of” with goods and services coherent with the perspectives of model 1, or its version of responding to the democratization of the country coherent with the perspective of model 2, or combining both versions, to a large extent depending on the work of this “intermediate stratum.”
What is common in this “intermediate stratum” molded by world 1? It tends to avoid the fact that the root of the problem is the inequality, underlying a mentality of the rural reality as equivalent to agricultural area and families in need of equipment and infrastructure, and assumes as a mandate the clamor of the aid agencies (“we want production projects”) and that of the government (“we are going to finance viable projects in market economies”). They assume that the work is persuading – be that about tangible goods like replacing illicit crops, the gospel, rules of associativity, productivity, commerce, democracy or gender equity. Each one has their reference in something external to the community: the religious, in the Bible; lawyers, in the laws of the country; agronomists, in the manuals for monocrops, the promoters of cooperativism, in the Statutes…All of them march to evangelize the communities in order to hear what they want to hear, and then returning to their offices they can also make the aid organizations hear what they want them to hear: number of technicians trained, people empowered, projects approved, people benefitted, cooperatives…
John P. Lederach, a Peace Accord advisor, said: “peace is achieved when each Colombian has respect for differences and establishes constructive relationships with the other, with that other that it has not wanted to, or not been able to listen to, for more than a half century.” Specifically the challenge is that this group from the “intermediate stratum of development” would overcome their logic of persuading and be capable of listening and observing, processing what is heard and observed, and learning from their conversations under the principle that “light comes from striking stones” – that light can be an idea about a project, awakening to alienating processes and their profound traumas, or paths for collective action. And that then, that “intermediate stratum of alternative development models” can talk with the organizations of world 1 and contribute to their change.
Let´s illustrate this perspective with the formation of a cooperative. According to the logic of persuading, a cooperative is organized with 40 hours of training in cooperativism, they name their manager, and it is provided resources and markets for their products; as a result, the criteria of success is forming hundreds of cooperatives without considering that this type of cooperatives fail quickly or end up being run as private enterprises in “cooperative” clothing. With a logic of learning, the cooperative is organized when its members wake up in the face of an adversity, and because they realize that there are obstacles that they cannot solve on their own, discover the value of their own resources, and that there is another way of organizing outside of the hierarchical structures of mono-cropping and the boss-followers – or as José M. Navarro would say, a member of the La Fábrica cooperative in Barcelona, “a cooperative enterprise opposed to capitalism”. Along this path the member families, studying their realities and experimenting with changes, discover their capacity to innovate, their citizenship (rotating leaders, complying with their rules and agreements, supervising that compliance), administering and investing their collective resources and strengthening their connections with the rest of the community, and recreating new identities within the framework of new realities that look beyond the agrarian reality seen as equivalent to crops. Table 2 shows some elements of this type of cooperative that responds to its members, and that it is possible to produce within a framework of mutual learning and in alliance with the three worlds in accordance with each specific context, and thanks to the creative and catalyzing role of the “intermediate stratum”.
Table 2. Keys for successful cooperatives
· Interaction between the associative side (organs) and the business side (administrative-technical)
· Effective functioning of the holy cooperative trinity: oversight board, administrative council and assembly
· Organization around differentiated products (e.g. specialty coffees, organic products) because it requires coordination among several families, geographic concentration
· Distribution of earnings and definition of goals in the assembly
· Based above all on their own resources and on endogenous institutions (of aid)
· Accounting system that generates updated information to be used by the administration and the cooperative´s organs
· Organizing 1st tier cooperativen on the basis of their members, and organizing 2nd and 3rd tier on the basis of the 1st tier cooperatives, and not the reverse.
This way of working, illustrated with the formation of a cooperative, requires accompaniment with a mentality of going to learn from the communities, from the disarmed groups. Said figuratively, the families in the communities know 50% of their problems, risks and opportunities, and their accompaniers (the restructured “intermediate stratum”) know the other 50%. The innovations emerge from among both sides (“from the striking of the stones”). Correspondingly, this group of accompaniers needs to unlearn in order to learn, increase their capacity to observe and dialogue so that together with the families they detect innovative practices and rules. In this way technicians and promoters will get ideas that they can turn into projects, experiments or initiatives; religious discern that God is in the people who seek justice and organize; administrators learn that the accounting information is not a tool for domination but formation (“informing is forming”)…The best guide that this type of work is on the right path is that both, the families and the accompaniers, awaken to the extent that they are learning.
For this purpose it is fundamental that all the actors from the different worlds rethink their role, in particular academia and international aid agencies. Academia, in order to contribute to the formation of that “intermediate stratum”, should produce appropriate categories coherent with model 1 as well as model 2. For that purpose it should organize basic research (e.g. sector analysis of agro and non agro) along with specific research combined with experimentation in specific territories, whose results would be the basis for organizing training. This, nevertheless, requires that academia understand that the source of knowledge is not just imported theories, but different communities with their multiple realities, all of them in need of being conceptualized within a framework of alliance and not just applying theories; and that requires that they include in their gamut of methodologies the organization of thoughtful immersion processes on the part of professors and students in those very territories. The best critiques and policies of conventional theories, and rereadings of the land ownership table, will come from seeing the realities from the multiple perspectives of the countryside.
This strategic change from the “intermediate stratum” and the work of decolonialized academia, requires an active and renewed role of international aid. For this role, international aid should review their own practices in the last 3 decades, practices questioned in the entire world (see for example, Anderson et al, 2012) because their aid has generally helped the type of “development” that has contributed to the inequality and have “ngo-ized” organizations (unions, cooperative and associative organizations) and social movements, dispossessing the families of their own organizations. This revision implies that the aid organizations in Colombia quit waiting for “production projects” from the “intermediate stratum of development”, and influencing the type of projects and centralizing decisions about those projects. This implies that they contribute to creating institutional environments in the territories where the different actors of each territory and the “restructured intermediate stratum” study those realities and produce ideas that really matter to them, and that the decisions about the projects that emerge be decentralized. It implies that the international aid agencies be conceived as allies of the peasant, indigenous and Afro-descendent communities, in favor of democracy and the reduction of inequality in those very territories – allying is like falling in love, and this requires that the “boyfriend” or “girlfriend” (aid agency) moves to the territories where their partner is.
If the communities feel that they have allies in academia and in aid agencies, who join their voices to those of the communities so that their leaders do not continue to be murdered and that they value the fact that they organize on the basis of their own good – and correcting the bad – institutions, then the peasant, indigenous and Afro-descendent communities with different degrees of connections with the FARC and other actors, will take their steps for improvement, will mobilize, will make their decisions more democratically and will understand that the reduction of inequality from the territory itself – with geographic variations – is possible, necessary and just.
The agrarian and (neo) extractivism realities continue to weigh economically, socially and politically on the country, which is why peace should be built on the basis of reducing inequality. The greatest obstacle to the peace process is the institutionality that sustains that inequality. This institutionality has to do with elite economic groups that want to consolidate the peace process with the same mechanisms that caused the armed conflict, and with an agrarian mentality from when the rural population were the majority in Colombia. These mechanisms are expressed in the extractivist and mono-cropping neoliberal economic model moved by the law of the jungle, even though clothed in democracy, a model that has been called “development” or “motors of the economy”. The paradox is that an attempt is made to consolidate peace with the same measures that led to the armed conflict.
This “development” model is clear, seen as the economic model of the elites; but it is not so clear to us that the actors who declared themselves in favor of peace had a functional modus operandi for this model. Because it would seem that there is not much difference between centralizing the decisions of approving “profitable productive projects” and the decisions of the political and economic elites concentrating land, between academia that believes it has solutions in imported theories and the aid organizations that believe they know the future of the peasantry without studying it, or businesses that think that the market knows more than any human being, between the hierarchically organized FARC and the Church and families also organized hierarchically…This shakes up our minds and wakes us up!
If waking up matters a lot, we identify the most important point of change is the “intermediate stratum of development” (administrators, technicians, aid workers, religious) who have served to convince the world of indigenous, peasant and Afro-descendent communities about the world of “development”. We suggest investing in retraining this “intermediate stratum”: that they move from a logic of “persuading” and writing projects for “the lack of”, toward a logic of “learning” and identifying along with the communities ideas in accordance with the different routes and rural institutions in which they move; from prescribing to knowing how to negotiate in the midst of uncertainty. To do so, we argue, the work of the university research centers and international aid agencies is needed; the former with alternative categories to the “development” model, and the latter constituting itself as serious allies of the different communities, recognizing that they are sources of knowledge and seeds for a more democratic and just society.
The peace process in Colombia is a global challenge that generates optimism. In Japanese culture we find two meanings for the word “optimism”: rakutenteki, the feeling of the future that a young person has about their adult life, and rakkanteki, when people accept their problems as challenges to be faced. This optimism (rakkanteki) encourages us to review our own mentality and to recognize that peasant, indigenous and Afro-descendent resistance is also our resistance to inequality and the mechanisms that sustain it. Peace is possible, in spite of “development”, under the spirit of Santander, and as the “effect of justice” (Isaiah, 32:17).
 I am grateful to the comments of A. Bendaña, E. Baumeister and J. Bastiaensen for their commentaries on a previous version. The text is a draft to be improved and commented on by each person who reads it.
 CEPAL, 2017, Social Panorama of America Latina 2016, Table I.A1.2, shows the gini coeficiente for income for 14 countries in Latin America. In 2008 or 2009 Colombia is the country with the greatest inequality (0.564) and for 2015, even though it improved, continues being the most unequal country in Latin America (0.530). See: http://repositorio.cepal.org/bitstream/handle/11362/41598/4/S1700567_es.pdf
 Robinson, W., 1996, “Promoting Polyarchy: Globalization, U.S.,” in: Intervention and Hegemony. Robinson, W., 2002. Remapping development in light of globalization: From a territorial to a social cartography, in: Third World Quaterly, No. 23.6. Robinson, W., 2014, “Democracy or polyarchy?” in: NACLA. https://nacla.org/article/democracy-or-polyarchy
 This duality of “development” / alternatives can also be seen in the duality between contemplation (leisure) and work (business) from the ancient times of Greece up to our times. It has moved from favoring contemplation to giving the highest moral value to work (business), passing though the religious thought of Calvin where leisure (contemplation) became sin and business like the glory of God (see: Rul·lán Buades, G., 1997, Del ocio al neg-ocio… y otra vez al ocio. Papers 53, 171-193. https://ddd.uab.cat/pub/papers/02102862n53/02102862n53p171.pdf). It is a duality that model 2 would seek to connect to one another.
 Using indexes like THEIL, instead of Gini, the inequality is even worse. A more detailed study probably can demonstrate the weight of the medium strata, more than a bimodal structure, which would be important in light of more appropriate rural policies.
 Arjona (2016), contrary to the idea that war zones are chaotic, lawless zone, finds communities with social institutions where the armed structures becomes de facto governments and communities with strong justice institutions capable of negotiating with the armed groups. See: Arjona, A., 2016, Rebelocracy: Social Order in the Colombian Civil War. Cambridge University Press.
 The norms for providing credit include “lending money to people with the capacity to pay.” This supposes that those who are not in monocroipping and do not have large areas, are outside of the credit system. This type of mentality was turned upside down in Bangladesh by Yunus and his team, in the 1970s they proved that everyone is capable of paying and that the bank needs to adapt to their realities. If more than 50% of the food comes from peasant families, why doesn´t the financial system respond to that reality?
 Hale (2002) observed in Guatemala how international organizations make distinctions of the indigenous organizations between the “permitted” ones, those who drop their agendas to take on the agenda and rules of international aidm and the “rebels”, those that resist and respond to the agenda of their members-communities. The former are given financial support and the latter are not. See: Hale, Ch., 2002, “Does Multiculturalism Menace? Governance, Cultural Rights and the Politics of Identity in Guatemala” in: Journal of Latin American Studies 34.3 Cambridge University Press.
 Academia (Universities and research centers) also are part of the block of aid organizations, but their relationship with the communities tends to be sporadic, which is why we have not included them in the figure, while their relationship with the “intermediate stratum” is strong because that “stratum” was trained in the universities and they also organize training courses in solidarity economics and other topics directly for that “stratum”.
 Honesty is not lacking in the organizations of world 1 (figure 2): “it does not matter that these cooperatives or projects are not sustainable years later, the important thing is gaining time so that the ex-combatants do not go back to war”.
 The adversity is the inequality in land access, the commercial mediation that steals from them in the weighing of their produce, quality control and in prices, or in usury. A savings and loan cooperative that organizes in the face of usury, for example, begins on a good step, because having awareness of the adversity means having recognized (studied) and having realized that bringing their own resources together they can avoid the usury.
 For example, for the business actor, the persepective of Kaiser is interesting (2012, La fatal ignorancia La anorexia cultural de la derecha frente al avance ideológico progresista, http://ciudadanoaustral.org/biblioteca/23.-Axel-Kaiser-La-fatal-ignorancia.-La-anorexia-cultural-de-la-derecha-chilena-frente-al-avance-ideolo%23U0301gico-progresista.pdf). He observed that the business class and the right in Chile “do not understand nor believe in the power of ideas and culture as decisive factors of the political, economic and social evolution”, and that they only focus on productivity, technology and financial incentives, forgetting that human beings are moved by beliefs, values and ideas transmitted by the family, schools, books…Kaiser thinks that that bourgeoise and that right fell into a mental anorexia that opened the door to the left. From our perspective, that mental anorexia also is shared by the left and most of the organizations and international aid organizations today.
 Mendoza (2015) describes this methodology, precisely based on an experience of a Research and Development Institute in Nicaragua, that for some years was capable of based a good part of their proactive innovation on that methodology of immersion. See: Mendoza, R., 2015, “Inmersión, inserción, escritura y diálogo: Mecanismos de aprendizaje para el desarrollo territorial”, en: Bastiaensen, J., Merlet, P. y Flores, S. (eds), Rutas de desarrollo en territorios humanos. Las dinámicas de la vía láctea en Nicaragua. Managua: UCA Publicaciones. http://www.fao.org/fileadmin/user_upload/AGRO_Noticias/smart_territories/docs/RUTAS%20DE%20DESARROLLO_VERSION%20FINAL_LIGERA.pdf
 This notion of optimism was expressed by Kishida Junnosuke, chief editor of the Asahi Shinbun newspaper, to the question of Peter Schwartz in 1984. See: Schwartz, P., 1991, The Art of the Long View. New York: Doubleday.
War is the continuation of politics by other means. Clausewitz (1780-1831)
My husband and son were killed in the war. I was left with a little bit of land. The cooperative was like my husband. I supported myself in it to raise my children. E. Terceros, producer, cooperative member, Nicaragua.
The stronger the sons and daughters are, the stronger the parents will be. Proverb in Rural Central America
War and peace are the continuation of politics by other means, we would say, hoping that Clausewitz would agree with the addition “and peace”. Countries with wars that sign peace agreements experience a period that De Sousa (2015) called “post peace accords.” It is a period of the continuation of conflict where different development paths clash with one another, and where associative organizations are an expression of that, and have the potential to make a difference. Under what conditions do associative organizations contribute to peace? What alliances are needed to make a difference? This text responds to both questions from the reality of war and peace that Central America experienced over the last 50 years.
 The author has a PhD in development studies, is an associate researcher of IOB-University of Amtwerp (Belgium) and a collaborator of the Winds of Peace Foundation (http://peacewinds.org/research/) and member of the COSERPROSS Cooperative R.L. firstname.lastname@example.org. This article, for now a draft, will be the basis for our presentation in the Peace Prize Forum to be held in Minnesota (September 2017).
We’re finally into flat-out, full-bore, blossom-laden Spring in my part of the world! We haven’t had any freezing temperatures for weeks now, the sun is high enough to quickly warm even the coolest mornings and every living thing is in motion. I took a long run along the river over the weekend, just to listen and smell and hear the magnificence of Spring in northeastern Iowa.
The water is flowing freely right now, the beneficiary of snow melt and early rains. The water is clear at the moment- no chemicals in the mix as yet-and not yet affected by the farm field runoff which still carries too much valuable soil and nutrient to the south. The bubbling rapids are pristine and there is joy in the sight and sound of them; clean water is not only an essential, but a wonder for which to be grateful. I am delighted by its language, except for the realization that its abundance is shrinking everywhere in the world.
Already, fields have been plowed and crops are being planted for a hoped-for bounty by Fall. All around the area, the smell of lilac and pine are at their intoxicating peaks, crabapple and black locust permeate entire neighborhoods. The essence is nearly transformative, lifting me on my run. I am saturated with gratitude at the sweet scents of the earth, except for my memory of the smells of urban decay, both in the U.S. and abroad, which can quickly overpower the natural beauty of a Spring day.
I encountered five other runners and walkers on this day, each showing elation at the emergence from hibernation with smiles and greetings. We are all in moments of leisure, blessed in a communion with the beauty of a Spring idyll. I am glad, not only for myself, but for the experiences of my fellows, except for a sadness that so many others may never know this kind of moment. Maybe their days will be filled with other joys, but I selfishly want them to feel this moment the way that I do.
I am amazed at my running. For fifty years I have traversed wilderness and street, winter freeze and summer swelters, from the Superior Trail to Budapest, Managua to Kyongju. I have run for my own good, for a sense of accomplishment, to be healthy, and to spark creativity. I’ve been blessed with good knees and strength, and I recognize every day what such activities have meant to my well-being. And I find myself full of joy, except for the nagging realization that elsewhere, people conserve their energies for more practical tasks, such as survival. The thought most often slows me down, even if my step remains light. Wherever the journey leads, the contrasts are the same.
“Whether you are writing about anger, love, jealousy, desire, hate, it does not make a great difference whether you use a plowed field or a city alley, a garbage can or a rural dump, a city park or Quabbin Watershed Wilderness Area. The great central human considerations may be found everywhere.” -Joseph Langland, Poet
So I run on, in a delicate balance between the sublime and the disquiet, knowing that what I hear is not always heard, what I feel is not always felt, and the others I see are but a fortunate few of the many unseen. Wherever I am, I run between the conflict of beauty and decay, health and hurt, confidence and despair, for we are whole except for where we hurt, helpless except for when we choose otherwise….